Macroeconomic theory and economic
policy are two wildly complicated fields of study, the latter even more
compounded by its nasty habit of being written in confounding legalese. Most
people hardly look into economics any further than how it most directly affects
their personal finances, although everyone has an opinion on how taxes are
collected and subsequently spent. But a basic understanding of how
macroeconomic policy works is of the utmost importance when it comes to
electing representatives who shape our socio-economic environment; the job of a
governing body is to help guide how a market's causes, effects, and
fluctuations affect its participants and the citizenry as a whole. While nuance
may increase when going from fundamental theory to specific legislation, the
approach to economic policy stems from really only two philosophies.
The first believes that corporations
and the wealthy are responsible for spurring economic growth through job
creation and capital investment, and is commonly referred to as 'supply-side'
(though it's had a few nicknames over the years, like 'Reaganomics,'
'Trickle-Down,' and 'Voodoo Economics'). This approach favors low tax rates for
the highest brackets, little to no regulation
of major industry, and belief in an infallible
'free market.'
The second believes that working
class consumers spur economic growth by spending their discretionary/disposable
income on common goods and services, and would be referred to as 'demand-side'
(or Keynesian) if
anyone were currently talking about it. This approach favors marginally-high progressive tax rates
through the higher brackets, collective bargaining, consumer protection
against corporate exploitation, and recognizes that a truly 'free' market is
entirely dependent on the highest possible participatory rate and upon a
relatively level playing field.
These two philosophies identify with
the two market forces of supply and demand, though they adamantly disagree on
which is the driving force of the market. One believes that if you favor
suppliers, demand will catch up; the other believes that if widespread demand
is encouraged, suppliers will match it. Granted, markets have a natural sense
of balance through the push-pull of these two forces; in terms of cause and
effect, it seems obvious to me that demand reflects cause and supply represents
effect. But if I can't convince you that demand is the dominant force in a
market, perhaps a brief overview of macroeconomic history can.
We're all familiar with the Great
Depression, a severe macroeconomic plunge catalyzed by the stock market crash of
1929. But how often do we look at the circumstances that led to that fateful
Black Tuesday? What were the macroeconomic trends and policies that manifested
the opportunity for such a disaster? Put simply: Supply-side economics. A more
in-depth explanation would reveal that corporate profits were
at extreme highs, major industry was relatively unregulated, and wealth/income equality was disparate. The
inflation of industry's worth due to an over-supply of goods with no demand was
ultimately realized, and the market crashed. Many critics will cite further
mishandling of the situation by pointing at the reactions
(like monetary manipulation by the Federal Reserve) to the crisis, but none of
that changes the cause of the bubble.
Other influences on economic
conditions leading up to that period were the two industrial revolutions.
Thanks to improvements and innovations in production, efficiency skyrocketed;
that meant less work had to be done to make an even superior product. The
reduction in overhead and lessened labor costs meant higher profits, but the
spoils were most certainly not equitably distributed; leading industrialists of
the time did not share Ford's perspective on
labor, but rather followed the lead of magnates like Carnegie and Rockefeller. The
bottom line remains: Lax regulation that allowed the rich to get richer at the
expense of the working class to the point of extreme wealth inequality set the
stage for the Great Depression.
Fast forward to a period we're all a
little more familiar with: the 2007-current Great Recession. What were the
preceding circumstances? Can we look to any macroeconomic trends or policies
that might've enabled this economic downturn? For starters, supply-side
economics had once again been in fashion for a number of years; not only had we
seen major tax reformation
leading up to this period, but some very specific legislature was passed to undo the consumer protections put in place after the Great Depression. Again, corporate profits were high,
industry was relatively unregulated, and
the gap in wealth equality
was on the rise. The housing loan industry bubbled up and the bottom fell out; the
reaction this time was a bailout of these major
industries at the taxpayers' expense.
Another influence on economic
conditions of this period was the digital revolution, more so the rise in
personal use directly prior to the events of the recession. Here again we see a
skyrocketing of efficiency due to technological advancements, and again the
spoils of increased profitability were not equitably distributed. I hope we're
starting to notice some patterns developing.
We mustn't overlook the period in
between these two crippling macroeconomic downturns; our economy eventually
recovered from the Great Depression and actually flourished in the decades
following, resulting in unprecedented prosperity
for the American middle class from the 40s through the 70s. What were the
macroeconomic trends and policies that defined this era? For starters, a
worldwide armed conflict created a substantial amount of demand for a wide
variety of goods, most of which could be manufactured by
the American working class. But without proper economic policy guiding this
increase in production and profitability, things might've turned out much differently.
Repairing the damage done and
navigating us out of the depression fell upon the shoulders of FDR, elected in
1933 and holding the office of POTUS for a record four terms
until he passed. He and his advisors (one of whom being John Maynard Keynes)
crafted legislation to not only protect the economy against exploitation, but
also to learn from the mistakes of the previous supply-side era and pretty much
do the opposite. It was during this time that Glass-Steagall was
enacted (Clinton would later repeal) to build a wall
between investment and commercial banking so that the next time brokers wanted
to play fast and loose with their investments, they couldn't risk the
hard-earned savings of working class people in the process. He instituted a minimum wage,
stating that "No business which depends for existence on paying less than
living wages [more than a bare subsistence level ... the wages of a decent
living] to its workers has any right to continue in this country." His
legacy is most widely defined by the New Deal, a plethora of
social safety net policies; he even planned to legislate a Second Bill of Rights which would focus on economic
equality, but did not live to see it through.
If everything was going so swell,
why did it all change? Well, a demand-side economic approach is tasked with
keeping natural market forces in balance and beneficial to both the working
class and the capital class. Unfortunately, an unnatural market force was
imposed in 1974 when OPEC—proclaiming an embargo in response to
hostilities in an ongoing religious dispute—more than quadrupled the price of
crude oil. The guiding policies of the time were unable to compensate for such
a drastic cost increase suffered across every imaginable industry, and we had
an oil crisis on our hands. Leading up to this event, the industrialists and
corporate conglomerates were already positioning themselves to apply more
pressure and exact more influence over our legislative body. When they saw their opportunity, they jumped at it;
lobbyists and think-tanks flexed their muscles and convinced our policy makers
that demand-side was no longer tenable but that supply-side would've kept this
crisis from happening. Shortly thereafter, riding on the coattails of a popular
actor-turned-President, supply-side was rebranded as Reaganomics; we were told
government can't solve the problem because government IS the problem, and we'd
all be filthy rich like them if government would just get out of our way!
Wealth worship spread like wildfire.
Gordon Gekko
exclaimed "Greed is good!" and people ate it up; Calloway unabashedly sang
"I Wanna Be Rich!" and even Madonna was living in a
Material World. For the most part, the 80s were great; lots of people made
money hand over fist, consumerism and materialism became the American way, and
cocaine is a helluva drug. Unfortunately, this upturn was a bubble, too;
through the late 90s (wealth worship was
obviously still thriving because "It's All About The Benjamins"), we
were seeing lots of deregulation, corporations were raking in huge profits, and
wealth inequality was widening yet again. And we've now circled back to the
conditions of an economy that enabled the events of the recession to transpire.
Quick recap:
• 1900 over-supply
• 1929 market crash
• 1933 over-demand
• 1937-74 widespread prosperity
• 1974 oil embargo
• 1980 over-supply
• 2007 recession
• 2017 over-supply
Some may claim this is
over-simplification, but I'd argue that it's just looking at the bigger
picture. Speaking of the bigger picture, a nation’s Gross Domestic Product is the
statistical approach to determining macroeconomic growth; I’ve averaged the GDP
of these years according to supply- and demand-side periods:
• 1930-32 averaged -9.20
• 1934-73 averaged 5.12
• 75-2007 averaged 3.14
• 2009-16 averaged 1.53
GDP leading up to the Great
Depression was dismal, for sure. But the average in the period following the
New Deal and up until the oil crisis (demand-side economic approach) was quite
healthy, especially considering the more equitable wealth distribution experienced
in that era. But since the shift to a supply-side economic approach, the GDP
continues to drop and whatever profits are
being made are collected by fewer and fewer people in our country. In contrast,
other democracies
around the world have been able to maintain GDP growth similar to our “Golden
Age of Capitalism” and have withstood global economic downturns while still
providing better New Deal-like social programs for their citizens.
Applying all that history and
placing it into current context, we can see that our economy barely avoided
another Great Depression but instead suffered a significant recession; and
though it hasn't sufficiently recovered from the previous downturn, we're faced with an
administration hell-bent on
enacting even more severe supply-side policy. Conditions that precede drastic
macroeconomic downturn—widespread anti-regulation
sentiment, record-setting
corporate profit, extreme wealth
inequality—are all currently at unprecedented levels. History repeats itself,
but sometimes it outdoes itself; if the capital industries are allowed to
inflate their self-worth to the effect of another market crash, our economy at
this point might not be able to sustain. Instead of a Great Depression or a
Great Recession, we might be looking at a Great Destruction; a full-on collapse
of the world's leading economy, which of course would have a drastic global
impact.
This isn't about partisan politics,
it's about policy that actually benefits the working class; that means pretty
much anyone who might be reading this. If you have to work to live, you are
part of the working class; some are working but not even earning enough to live, most are working check-to-check in
perpetual anxiety, and some still have to work but have a little in savings. If
you can quit working this very moment and not have to worry about affording the
cost of living for the rest of your life, then by all means: Keep selfishly voting
for policies that'll make it easier to turn your millions into billions. But
the rest of us—the proverbial 98%—need some bones thrown our way. Both common
sense and historical statistics prove that demand-side policy benefits the
100%, and supply-side benefits only the 2% at the expense of the 98%. We fully
understand that for the majority of the 98% to benefit, it has to come at the
expense of the 2%; primarily the 1% and more specifically the 0.01%. The good news
is: They can afford it; and it's not a dreaded 'redistribution of wealth' but a
restructuring of the rules to allow more equitable distribution of future
profits. The 2% will continue to get richer but at a slower pace, the 98% will
rise significantly, and the 100% will grow together toward inclusive prosperity.
Our elected representatives should be exploring demand-side policies rather than debating which variant of supply-side to
implement. The only way to get them pointed in the right direction is for us to
stop acting like opposing 49%ers and unite our efforts as the 98%. One doesn’t
have to be a macroeconomic analyst or an economics professor to understand the
basic principles behind how an economy operates and how policy guides it; you
just have to know which approach works for us all, and then demand it.
please keep writing. this is gold. i need people like you to spell out these complicated concepts. thank you!
ReplyDeleteYou're most welcome. Feel free to suggest topics!
DeleteHonestly, this was a really thoughtful breakdown. I appreciate that you even tried to organize all of this. Most people never go beyond “red vs. blue,” so it’s refreshing to see someone actually define terms and map things out.
ReplyDeleteThe only part I’d gently push back on is the way you frame the domestic/social spectrum. Describing it as “inclusionary vs. exclusionary,” where exclusionary basically means believing some people are inferior, doesn’t quite capture where most conservatives are coming from. Even people who are very conservative on social issues almost never operate from the idea that certain groups are “lesser.”
A lot of those positions come from a different starting point: Like believing individuals (not the government) should be the primary drivers of their own success, or that people should be accountable for their choices. Conservatives also tend to think solutions to social problems should start with families, communities, churches, and local institutions rather than federal programs. And a lot of the worldview is built on the idea that freedom only works and stays healthy when it’s paired with responsibility and self-discipline.
That’s a totally different axis than “some people are born inferior,” and I think it’s worth noting so the model doesn’t accidentally paint half the country with a brush that doesn’t fit.
But overall, this was a very thoughtful essay, and it genuinely helped make sense of something that’s usually way too messy to even touch. I really enjoyed the way you organized the different ideologies, the historical context you pulled in, and the commentary throughout. It was a solid read and gave me a lot to think about.
Thanks for taking the time to read, and I appreciate the thoughtful response!
DeleteTo counter:
“Exclusionary” was an intentional choice on my part, but I did temper it with the “moderately” adverb when describing current conservative values. Republicans are still the party of harsh immigration policy (and its execution via ICE), the party of anti-DEI or more accurately anti-diversity, -equity, and -inclusion (they’re literally saying they’re against inclusion), the party that doesn’t want women to have bodily autonomy (they overturned Roe), the party of “traditional family values” aka anti-LGBTQ+ (they’ll go after Obergefell next), and of course the anti-welfare party (refusing to fund SNAP, most recently). That’s why most right-leaning people say they’re “economically conservative but socially liberal,” because they know that conservative ideology is rooted in exclusionary social policy and hardly anyone wants to be openly socially conservative.
I’d also like to note that the exclusive/inclusive spectrum is just that—a spectrum. And while the extreme end of exclusionary may mean “some people are born inferior,” closer to the middle it can mean “some people are more deserving than others,” and attempts are made to explain why a whole group of people is undeserving. It’s not until you get to the inclusionary end of the spectrum do you get “all people are born equal and as such are deserving of basic human necessities, at minimum.” I hope you’ll notice that I ranked today’s Republican Party relatively in the middle of the spectrum, so much less “some people are born inferior” and more “some people are more deserving.”
I get the whole “party of personal responsibility” and “pull yourself up by your bootstraps” and all that, but oftentimes those principles are presented without recognizing an uneven playing field and disparities in opportunity. Lots and lots of people don’t have the options of family or community in positions to help; generational destitute poverty coupled with crumbling neighborhoods (redlining and gerrymandering) don’t offer a lot in the way of a social safety net. Local institutions (in addition to federal social programs) are constantly under threat of being under- and de-funded. I believe in separation of church and state so while churches are welcome to help where they can, I believe it’s the state’s responsibility to provide for the general welfare of the people—like it says in our Constitution’s preamble.
We’re the richest nation in the history of the world yet we have a 13% poverty rate and 67% of the workforce lives paycheck to paycheck. Were it not for the wildly disproportionate distribution of wealth in our economy (supply-side aka trickle-down economics), there would be little need for heavily-funded social programs; people would be able to exercise responsibility and self-discipline, and get along just fine in a healthy and free society. This has been proven time and time again in other countries, and I see no reason why it wouldn’t work here. For instance: Switzerland outranks the U.S. in highest wealth per person (#1 vs #2 on average, #7 vs #15 in median), while also outranking the U.S. in income equality (#4 vs #24), having lower levels of poverty and an at-risk-of-poverty rate of 16% compared to our 67%, and while they have an exorbitantly stronger social safety net than us (universal healthcare among other programs), they only spend 24% of their GDP on it while we spend 30% and get next to nothing for it. We can do better, I think.
Again, I appreciate the time and effort you took to read and respond thoughtfully, and I have enjoyed the discourse!